Where a dollar moves a Kentucky race.
The November 3, 2026 election is over; each race now shows its result beside the plan, which stays up as the record. 7 federal races, seen from the underdog's side. Ranked by how far a disciplined voter contact plan moves the underdog's odds, from 20,000 seeded simulations per race built on official precinct returns.
| Race | Odds: today → with the plan | Lift | Net votes | Call program | Result | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kentucky U.S. Senate Charles Booker vs. Andy Barr | 2% → 53% | +51 pts | 148,109 | $71,349 259,546 households | Andy Barr won | Brief › |
| KY-06 Zach Dembo vs. Ralph Alvarado | 1% → 14% | +13 pts | 39,360 | $11,928 38,540 households | Zach Dembo won | Brief › |
| KY-01 Drew Williams vs. James Comer | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 104,752 | $8,046 23,201 households | James Comer won | Brief › |
| KY-02 Megan Wingfield vs. Brett Guthrie | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 88,165 | $7,311 19,668 households | Brett Guthrie won | Brief › |
| KY-03 Maria Rodriguez vs. Morgan McGarvey | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 69,249 | $6,809 18,318 households | Morgan McGarvey won | Brief › |
| KY-04 Melissa Strange vs. Ed Gallrein | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 65,534 | $8,057 23,233 households | Ed Gallrein won | Brief › |
| KY-05 Ned Pillersdorf vs. Hal Rogers | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 102,834 | $6,998 20,180 households | Hal Rogers won | Brief › |
Lift is the gain in win probability when the plan is executed. Call program: every household on the plan's target list, three attempts each, at published HyperPhonebank rates. Calls are the voter ID and ballot chase engine of each plan: they find the persuadable voters and the supporters so every other dollar lands on the right door.
Booker can win. The plan uses 88 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Jefferson County +28,314Starting line Booker +31. 27,244 persuadable voters leaning Barr; 72,742 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Fayette County +13,716Starting line Booker +34. 10,985 persuadable voters leaning Barr; 39,172 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Kenton County +5,024Starting line Barr +4. 4,949 persuadable voters leaning Barr; 29,560 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Daviess County +3,367Starting line Barr +13. 3,546 persuadable voters leaning Barr; 14,152 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Warren County +3,310Starting line Barr +8. 3,276 persuadable voters leaning Barr; 26,080 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
The top 12 counties carry 47% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +139,228157,925 voters in play: ticket splitters now leaning Barr, plus the 11 percent still undecided in the latest poll.
- Mobilize +15,053At least 132,678 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Booker's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,233Voters who went third party in recent races, in the counties that lean Booker's way.
What has to be true
- Booker wins 44 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Barr.
- In the precincts Booker's side carries in Jefferson County and Fayette County, 31 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan uses 88 percent of what recent Kentucky results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from the published 2026 head-to-head polls between these two finalists, sponsored ones included; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression3,487 precincts, slope 1.066, R² 0.963, 630 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -132,078 to 153,170
- Cash on hand, June 30Booker $309,623 · Barr $2,305,546
- Call program259,546 households, 778,637 dials, about 40,801 live conversations and 13,913 voter IDs, at $0.2749 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 7.9-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct #2 (Montgomery County) +240Starting line Alvarado +40. 15.0% split their ticket.
- Precinct #3 (Montgomery County) +216Starting line Alvarado +48. 14.4% split their ticket.
- Precinct #1 (Montgomery County) +206Starting line Alvarado +37. 14.4% split their ticket.
- Scott #3 (Scott County) +196Starting line Alvarado +34. 12.3% split their ticket.
- Scott #1 (Scott County) +173Starting line Alvarado +32. 12.3% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 10% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +16,44016,440 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Alvarado today.
- Mobilize +2,177At least 21,308 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Dembo's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +583Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Dembo's way.
Plus a 7.9-point national shift (20,160 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Dembo wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Alvarado.
- The national environment moves about 7.9 points toward Dembo's side between now and November 3.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one comes from one side's sponsors, and the major ratings disagree), so the line is a weighted blend of official recent results. An independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression510 precincts, slope 0.870, R² 0.980, 83 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -50,520 to 10,459
- Cash on hand, June 30Dembo $491,275 · Alvarado $398,018
- Call program38,540 households, 115,619 dials, about 6,058 live conversations and 2,066 voter IDs, at $0.3095 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 37.0-point national wave.
Where
- Hendron #1 Extension (McCracken County) +302Starting line Comer +35. 10.1% split their ticket.
- Indian Hills (Franklin County) +238Starting line Williams +22. 11.4% split their ticket. About 1,094 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- New Capital (Franklin County) +186Starting line Williams +53. 6.5% split their ticket. About 948 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Bald Knob (Franklin County) +180Starting line Comer +30. 16.2% split their ticket.
- District 2 (Marion County) +164Starting line Comer +32. 12.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 13% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,06613,066 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Comer today.
- Mobilize +733At least 7,296 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Williams's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +69Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Williams's way.
Plus a 37-point national shift (90,884 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Williams wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Comer.
- In New Capital (Franklin County) and Indian Hills (Franklin County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 37.0 points toward Williams's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression539 precincts, slope 0.962, R² 0.988, 88 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -119,605 to -61,632
- Cash on hand, June 30Williams $20,182 · Comer $3,041,112
- Call program23,201 households, 69,602 dials, about 3,647 live conversations and 1,244 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 32.1-point national wave.
Where
- Alvaton (Warren County) +102Starting line Guthrie +48. 11.7% split their ticket.
- Glasgow Middle School (Barren County) +96Starting line Guthrie +47. 12.1% split their ticket.
- Cecilia (Hardin County) +91Starting line Guthrie +46. 20.5% split their ticket.
- Country Club (Hardin County) +87Starting line Guthrie +43. 17.0% split their ticket.
- Precinct 129 36 District (Jefferson County) +83Starting line Guthrie +26. 11.1% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 8% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,69012,690 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Guthrie today.
- Mobilize +250At least 2,902 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Wingfield's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +78Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Wingfield's way.
Plus a 32.1-point national shift (75,146 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Wingfield wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Guthrie.
- In Reservoir Hill (Warren County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 32.1 points toward Wingfield's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression421 precincts, slope 0.887, R² 0.968, 44 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -102,723 to -47,101
- Cash on hand, June 30Wingfield $1,197 · Guthrie $1,718,271
- Call program19,668 households, 59,004 dials, about 3,092 live conversations and 1,054 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 22.1-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 160 48 District (Jefferson County) +98Starting line Rodriguez +2. 9.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct 173 48 District (Jefferson County) +89Starting line McGarvey +15. 11.6% split their ticket.
- Precinct 133 37 District (Jefferson County) +83Starting line Rodriguez +27. 13.4% split their ticket. About 283 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 191 29 District (Jefferson County) +79Starting line Rodriguez +8. 11.5% split their ticket.
- Precinct 159 29 District (Jefferson County) +78Starting line McGarvey +2. 9.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 7% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +11,23611,236 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McGarvey today.
- Mobilize +258At least 3,723 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Rodriguez's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +123Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Rodriguez's way.
Plus a 22.1-point national shift (57,631 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Rodriguez wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McGarvey.
- In Precinct 133 37 District (Jefferson County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 22.1 points toward Rodriguez's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression580 precincts, slope 0.950, R² 0.989, 111 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -88,489 to -27,053
- Cash on hand, June 30Rodriguez $15,672 · McGarvey $1,813,760
- Call program18,318 households, 54,953 dials, about 2,880 live conversations and 982 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 20.6-point national wave.
Where
- Park Hills (Kenton County) +134Starting line Strange +29. 6.5% split their ticket. About 1,241 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Covington #2 (Kenton County) +128Starting line Strange +60. 4.2% split their ticket. About 488 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Grant County #2 (Grant County) +119Starting line Gallrein +51. 9.5% split their ticket.
- Grant County #1 (Grant County) +119Starting line Gallrein +53. 8.9% split their ticket.
- Ft Wright #1 (Kenton County) +111Starting line Strange +32. 3.1% split their ticket. About 754 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 9% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,10212,102 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Gallrein today.
- Mobilize +653At least 7,480 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Strange's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +695Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Strange's way.
Plus a 20.6-point national shift (52,085 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Strange wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Gallrein.
- In Park Hills (Kenton County) and Covington #2 (Kenton County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 20.6 points toward Strange's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression469 precincts, slope 1.040, R² 0.982, 95 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -82,355 to -22,060
- Cash on hand, June 30Strange $11,145 · Gallrein $179,309
- Call program23,233 households, 69,698 dials, about 3,652 live conversations and 1,245 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 41.6-point national wave.
Where
- Pulaski South 51 (Pulaski County) +173Starting line Rogers +52. 12.9% split their ticket.
- Somerset Southeast (Pulaski County) +154Starting line Rogers +39. 13.1% split their ticket.
- Oakhill-Saline 11 (Pulaski County) +152Starting line Rogers +48. 16.8% split their ticket.
- Keavy (Laurel County) +111Starting line Rogers +54. 12.1% split their ticket.
- Caney Fork-Vaught 31 (Pulaski County) +109Starting line Rogers +46. 12.9% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 8% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +14,41414,414 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Rogers today.
- Mobilize +16Few precincts give Pillersdorf's side 55 percent or more, so turnout is a small lever here; the plan leans on persuasion instead.
- Consolidate +77Voters who went third party in recent races, in the closest places on the map.
Plus a 41.6-point national shift (88,327 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Pillersdorf wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Rogers.
- It would take a national shift of about 41.6 points toward Pillersdorf's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression806 precincts, slope 0.720, R² 0.873, 133 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -114,278 to -62,706
- Cash on hand, June 30Pillersdorf $91,275 · Rogers $874,716
- Call program20,180 households, 60,539 dials, about 3,172 live conversations and 1,082 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Independent analysis by The Political Group from official Kentucky State Board of Elections precinct returns, FEC filings and published polls. Baseline error and plan efficacy are stated assumptions shown on each race page. Not affiliated with any candidate or party. Text or call Frank Carrasco, 469.639.1600.