Where a dollar moves a Virginia race.
12 federal races, seen from the underdog's side. Ranked by how far a disciplined voter contact plan moves the underdog's odds, from 20,000 seeded simulations per race built on official precinct returns.
| Race | Odds: today → with the plan | Lift | Net votes | Call program | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| VA-05 Tom Perriello vs. John McGuire | 26% → 52% | +26 pts | 10,147 | $6,661 17,921 households | Brief › |
| VA-07 Doug Ollivant vs. Eugene Vindman | 26% → 43% | +17 pts | 12,528 | $9,797 30,435 households | Brief › |
| VA-01 Shannon Taylor vs. Rob Wittman | 12% → 25% | +13 pts | 28,321 | $10,919 33,921 households | Brief › |
| VA-02 Elaine Luria vs. Jen Kiggans | 50% → 62% | +12 pts | 5,935 | $6,426 16,207 households | Brief › |
| VA-10 Dave Beckwith vs. Suhas Subramanyam | 11% → 22% | +11 pts | 24,793 | $7,301 21,053 households | Brief › |
| Virginia U.S. Senate Bert Mizusawa vs. Mark Warner | 0% → 1% | +1 pts | 769,760 | $168,163 611,723 households | Brief › |
| VA-03 Edwin Rivera Jr. vs. Bobby Scott | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 76,422 | $3,141 6,032 households | Brief › |
| VA-04 Robert Murray Jr. vs. Jennifer McClellan | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 81,659 | $6,568 17,669 households | Brief › |
| VA-06 Beth Macy vs. Ben Cline | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 70,444 | $8,405 24,237 households | Brief › |
| VA-08 Tony Sabio vs. Don Beyer | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 135,934 | $5,127 11,491 households | Brief › |
| VA-09 Joy Powers vs. Morgan Griffith | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 109,346 | $6,912 18,596 households | Brief › |
| VA-11 Arthur Purves vs. James Walkinshaw | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 105,230 | $4,982 11,166 households | Brief › |
Lift is the gain in win probability when the plan is executed. Call program: every household on the plan's target list, three attempts each, at published HyperPhonebank rates. Calls are the voter ID and ballot chase engine of each plan: they find the persuadable voters and the supporters so every other dollar lands on the right door.
Perriello can win. The math closes using 40 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Charlottesville High School (Charlottesville city) +636Starting line Perriello +76. 2.8% split their ticket. About 2,406 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- University (Albemarle) +388Starting line Perriello +66. 7.0% split their ticket. About 1,349 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Buford (Charlottesville city) +366Starting line Perriello +86. 3.4% split their ticket. About 1,220 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Key Recreation (Charlottesville city) +358Starting line Perriello +83. 3.8% split their ticket. About 1,224 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Walker (Charlottesville city) +309Starting line Perriello +76. 4.1% split their ticket. About 811 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 34% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,943Ticket splitters and the 9 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 19,792 leaning McGuire today.
- Mobilize +2,594At least 41,330 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Perriello's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +118Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Perriello's way.
What has to be true
- Perriello wins 20 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning McGuire.
- In Charlottesville High School (Charlottesville city) and Buford (Charlottesville city), 14 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 40 percent of what recent Virginia results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression328 precincts, slope 0.976, R² 0.996, 39 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -25,850 to 26,496
- Cash on hand, July 15Perriello $1,511,291 · McGuire $524,346
- Call program17,921 households, 53,763 dials, about 2,817 live conversations and 961 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Ollivant gets within 3,687 votes on campaign work alone. A 1.3-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Monroe (King George) +202Starting line Ollivant +30. 3.9% split their ticket. About 1,439 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Shiloh (King George) +191Starting line Ollivant +28. 3.7% split their ticket. About 1,516 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Stanardsville (Greene) +152Starting line Ollivant +31. 3.7% split their ticket. About 1,075 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Brock Road Elementary (Spotsylvania) +138Starting line Ollivant +16. 5.1% split their ticket. About 1,274 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Brandy Station (Culpeper) +131Starting line Ollivant +27. 5.1% split their ticket. About 782 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 19% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +5,8665,866 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Vindman today.
- Mobilize +2,706At least 31,608 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Ollivant's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +269Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Ollivant's way.
Plus a 1.3-point national shift (3,687 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Ollivant wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Vindman.
- In Monroe (King George) and Shiloh (King George), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 1.3 points toward Ollivant's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression203 precincts, slope 1.007, R² 0.992, 30 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -35,305 to 28,431
- Cash on hand, July 15Ollivant $65,801 · Vindman $6,573,093
- Call program30,435 households, 91,304 dials, about 4,784 live conversations and 1,631 voter IDs, at $0.3219 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Taylor gets within 16,030 votes on campaign work alone. A 4.7-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Matoaka (Williamsburg city) +364Starting line Taylor +42. 5.7% split their ticket. About 2,088 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Tucker (Henrico) +192Starting line Taylor +38. 3.9% split their ticket. About 1,210 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Yellow Tavern (Henrico) +174Starting line Taylor +30. 4.1% split their ticket. About 1,392 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Stryker (Williamsburg city) +163Starting line Taylor +38. 3.6% split their ticket. About 777 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Sadler (Henrico) +153Starting line Taylor +17. 8.7% split their ticket. About 1,040 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 16% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +9,8759,875 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Wittman today.
- Mobilize +2,014At least 28,260 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Taylor's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +402Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Taylor's way.
Plus a 4.7-point national shift (16,030 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Taylor wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Wittman.
- In Matoaka (Williamsburg city) and Tucker (Henrico), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 4.7 points toward Taylor's side between now and November 3.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one is sponsored by one side), so it is a weighted blend of official recent results; an independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression239 precincts, slope 0.985, R² 0.979, 36 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -55,597 to 24,002
- Cash on hand, July 15Taylor $1,004,227 · Wittman $4,292,789
- Call program33,921 households, 101,762 dials, about 5,332 live conversations and 1,818 voter IDs, at $0.3219 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Luria can win. The math closes using 58 percent of what history allows.
Where
- John F Kennedy (Suffolk city) +217Starting line Luria +60. 2.0% split their ticket. About 1,036 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 61 (Virginia Beach city) +161Starting line Luria +49. 2.3% split their ticket. About 932 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 93 (Virginia Beach city) +154Starting line Luria +47. 3.0% split their ticket. About 940 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Booker T Washington (Suffolk city) +142Starting line Luria +64. 2.4% split their ticket. About 630 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Kings Fork (Suffolk city) +139Starting line Luria +35. 2.1% split their ticket. About 1,154 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 25% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +3,7586,478 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Kiggans today.
- Mobilize +2,098At least 39,364 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Luria's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +375Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Luria's way.
What has to be true
- Luria wins 29 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Kiggans.
- In John F Kennedy (Suffolk city) and Precinct 61 (Virginia Beach city), 20 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 58 percent of what recent Virginia results show is possible.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one is sponsored by one side), so it is a weighted blend of official recent results; an independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression230 precincts, slope 1.019, R² 0.990, 29 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -28,032 to 41,049
- Cash on hand, July 15Luria $3,582,723 · Kiggans $3,391,740
- Call program16,207 households, 48,621 dials, about 2,548 live conversations and 869 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 5.5-point national wave.
Where
- Vint Hill (Fauquier) +147Starting line Beckwith +23. 5.1% split their ticket. About 1,282 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Waterloo (Fauquier) +125Starting line Beckwith +27. 3.8% split their ticket. About 935 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- New Baltimore (Fauquier) +122Starting line Beckwith +23. 4.5% split their ticket. About 792 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Morrisville (Fauquier) +119Starting line Beckwith +36. 3.5% split their ticket. About 661 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Casanova (Fauquier) +116Starting line Beckwith +23. 3.5% split their ticket. About 986 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 15% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,1527,152 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Subramanyam today.
- Mobilize +1,098At least 15,115 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Beckwith's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +382Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Beckwith's way.
Plus a 5.5-point national shift (16,160 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Beckwith wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Subramanyam.
- In Vint Hill (Fauquier) and Waterloo (Fauquier), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 5.5 points toward Beckwith's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression204 precincts, slope 1.020, R² 0.966, 37 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -50,264 to 17,566
- Cash on hand, July 15Beckwith $54,260 · Subramanyam $582,812
- Call program21,053 households, 63,159 dials, about 3,310 live conversations and 1,129 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 14.8-point national wave.
Where
- Fairfax County +39,692Starting line Warner +56. 39,217 persuadable voters leaning Warner; 187,043 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Loudoun County +15,674Starting line Warner +37. 15,419 persuadable voters leaning Warner; 69,654 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Virginia Beach city +15,565Starting line Warner +21. 15,398 persuadable voters leaning Warner; 68,037 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Prince William County +14,289Starting line Warner +41. 14,068 persuadable voters leaning Warner; 77,801 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Chesterfield County +13,569Starting line Warner +29. 13,212 persuadable voters leaning Warner; 71,738 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
The top 12 localities carry 47% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +283,973Ticket splitters and the 14 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 283,973 leaning Warner today.
- Mobilize +32,663At least 309,704 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in localities where Mizusawa's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +3,117Voters who went third party in recent races, in the localities that lean Mizusawa's way.
Plus a 14.8-point national shift (450,008 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Mizusawa wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Warner.
- In the precincts Mizusawa's side carries in Hanover County and Chesterfield County, 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 14.8 points toward Mizusawa's side between now and November 3.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression2,686 precincts, slope 0.934, R² 0.989, 524 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -739,598 to -147,643
- Cash on hand, July 15Mizusawa $52,964 · Warner $16,114,725
- Call program611,723 households, 1,835,169 dials, about 96,163 live conversations and 32,792 voter IDs, at $0.2749 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 34.8-point national wave.
Where
- Bailey Creek (Chesapeake city) +55Starting line Rivera +14. 3.9% split their ticket. About 529 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Asbury (Hampton city) +53Starting line Scott +8. 3.8% split their ticket.
- Charles (Newport News city) +52Starting line Scott +15. 4.4% split their ticket.
- Chrysler Museum (Norfolk city) +52Starting line Scott +48. 5.9% split their ticket.
- Phillips (Hampton city) +51Starting line Scott +22. 4.1% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 15% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +3,9323,932 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Scott today.
- Mobilize +25At least 529 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Rivera's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +123Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Rivera's way.
Plus a 34.8-point national shift (72,343 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Rivera wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Scott.
- In Bailey Creek (Chesapeake city), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 34.8 points toward Rivera's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression189 precincts, slope 0.965, R² 0.989, 22 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -96,540 to -48,351
- Cash on hand, July 15Rivera $1,762 · Scott $191,843
- Call program6,032 households, 18,096 dials, about 948 live conversations and 323 voter IDs, at $0.5208 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 30.8-point national wave.
Where
- Templeton (Prince George) +171Starting line Murray +45. 2.4% split their ticket. About 918 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Fourth (Colonial Heights city) +145Starting line Murray +31. 4.9% split their ticket. About 1,077 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Fifth (Colonial Heights city) +138Starting line Murray +42. 4.3% split their ticket. About 729 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Bland (Prince George) +128Starting line Murray +21. 3.2% split their ticket. About 1,426 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Church Road (Dinwiddie) +102Starting line Murray +55. 1.8% split their ticket. About 477 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 21% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +4,5134,513 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McClellan today.
- Mobilize +1,524At least 16,216 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Murray's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +128Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Murray's way.
Plus a 30.8-point national shift (75,494 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Murray wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McClellan.
- In Templeton (Prince George) and Fourth (Colonial Heights city), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 30.8 points toward Murray's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression264 precincts, slope 0.984, R² 0.993, 19 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -104,252 to -47,028
- Cash on hand, July 15Murray n/a · McClellan $197,426
- Call program17,669 households, 53,007 dials, about 2,778 live conversations and 947 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 23.0-point national wave.
Where
- Eureka Park (Roanoke city) +198Starting line Macy +60. 4.2% split their ticket. About 836 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Lincoln Terrace (Roanoke city) +192Starting line Macy +58. 4.4% split their ticket. About 906 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Forest Park (Roanoke city) +182Starting line Macy +52. 2.6% split their ticket. About 957 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Highland (Roanoke city) +177Starting line Macy +39. 4.3% split their ticket. About 1,147 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Peters Creek (Roanoke city) +168Starting line Macy +40. 2.7% split their ticket. About 1,127 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 22% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +5,8235,823 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Cline today.
- Mobilize +2,295At least 22,299 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Macy's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +413Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Macy's way.
Plus a 23-point national shift (61,913 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Macy wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Cline.
- In Lincoln Terrace (Roanoke city) and Eureka Park (Roanoke city), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 23.0 points toward Macy's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression275 precincts, slope 0.975, R² 0.994, 35 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -92,982 to -30,972
- Cash on hand, July 15Macy $847,470 · Cline $711,442
- Call program24,237 households, 72,712 dials, about 3,810 live conversations and 1,299 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 47.5-point national wave.
Where
- George Mason School (Alexandria city) +98Starting line Beyer +51. 9.2% split their ticket.
- Blessed Sacrament Church (Alexandria city) +97Starting line Beyer +57. 8.7% split their ticket.
- Mt Vernon Recreation Center (Alexandria city) +97Starting line Beyer +68. 6.5% split their ticket.
- Haycock (Fairfax) +95Starting line Beyer +45. 6.8% split their ticket.
- Westgate (Fairfax) +89Starting line Beyer +21. 7.5% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 13% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,5337,533 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Beyer today.
- Mobilize +0There are almost no precincts Sabio's side carries, so turnout alone cannot help here.
- Consolidate +556Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Sabio's way.
Plus a 47.5-point national shift (127,845 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Sabio wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Beyer.
- The national environment moves about 47.5 points toward Sabio's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression174 precincts, slope 0.893, R² 0.918, 31 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -159,522 to -96,423
- Cash on hand, July 15Sabio $17,903 · Beyer $838,934
- Call program11,491 households, 34,474 dials, about 1,806 live conversations and 616 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 40.4-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct G-1 (Montgomery) +179Starting line Powers +39. 4.0% split their ticket. About 1,187 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct F-2 (Montgomery) +151Starting line Powers +39. 5.0% split their ticket. About 862 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct A-2 (Montgomery) +133Starting line Powers +39. 5.8% split their ticket. About 749 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct A-4 (Montgomery) +129Starting line Powers +38. 5.4% split their ticket. About 728 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct G-2 (Montgomery) +129Starting line Powers +34. 5.3% split their ticket. About 898 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 16% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,0477,047 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Griffith today.
- Mobilize +1,225At least 12,541 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Powers's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +111Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Powers's way.
Plus a 40.4-point national shift (100,964 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Powers wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Griffith.
- In Precinct G-1 (Montgomery) and Precinct F-2 (Montgomery), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 40.4 points toward Powers's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression395 precincts, slope 0.921, R² 0.988, 36 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -129,796 to -71,810
- Cash on hand, July 15Powers $13,941 · Griffith $973,867
- Call program18,596 households, 55,789 dials, about 2,923 live conversations and 997 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 33.6-point national wave.
Where
- Vienna #1 (Fairfax) +96Starting line Walkinshaw +40. 6.7% split their ticket.
- Orange (Fairfax) +90Starting line Walkinshaw +34. 6.6% split their ticket.
- Waples Mill (Fairfax) +89Starting line Walkinshaw +30. 6.2% split their ticket.
- Wolftrap (Fairfax) +85Starting line Walkinshaw +37. 6.6% split their ticket.
- Clearview (Fairfax) +83Starting line Walkinshaw +35. 5.9% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 13% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,6297,629 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Walkinshaw today.
- Mobilize +0There are almost no precincts Purves's side carries, so turnout alone cannot help here.
- Consolidate +324Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Purves's way.
Plus a 33.6-point national shift (97,278 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Purves wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Walkinshaw.
- The national environment moves about 33.6 points toward Purves's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression183 precincts, slope 0.959, R² 0.914, 29 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -130,654 to -63,942
- Cash on hand, August 27Purves $200 · Walkinshaw $979,176
- Call program11,166 households, 33,499 dials, about 1,755 live conversations and 598 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Independent analysis by The Political Group from official Virginia Department of Elections precinct returns, FEC filings and published polls. Baseline error and plan efficacy are stated assumptions shown on each race page. Not affiliated with any candidate or party. Text or call Frank Carrasco, 469.639.1600.