Where a dollar moves a North Carolina race.
15 federal races, seen from the underdog's side. Ranked by how far a disciplined voter contact plan moves the underdog's odds, from 20,000 seeded simulations per race built on official precinct returns.
| Race | Odds: today → with the plan | Lift | Net votes | Call program | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| NC-14 LaKesha Womack vs. Tim Moore | 4% → 53% | +49 pts | 23,891 | $13,892 48,812 households | Brief › |
| NC-07 Kimberly Hardy vs. David Rouzer | 8% → 53% | +45 pts | 20,155 | $10,660 33,117 households | Brief › |
| North Carolina U.S. Senate Michael Whatley vs. Roy Cooper | 3% → 45% | +42 pts | 352,274 | $222,898 810,833 households | Brief › |
| NC-09 Richard Ojeda vs. Richard Hudson | 18% → 52% | +34 pts | 11,382 | $7,125 20,545 households | Brief › |
| NC-01 Laurie Buckhout vs. Don Davis | 23% → 52% | +29 pts | 10,781 | $7,930 22,866 households | Brief › |
| NC-11 Jamie Ager vs. Jennifer Balkcom | 23% → 52% | +29 pts | 16,587 | $11,420 36,899 households | Brief › |
| NC-03 Raymond Smith Jr. vs. Greg Murphy | 24% → 51% | +27 pts | 7,652 | $5,556 12,452 households | Brief › |
| NC-10 Ashley Bell vs. Pat Harrigan | <1% → 25% | +25 pts | 45,604 | $16,811 64,706 households | Brief › |
| NC-06 Cyril Jefferson vs. Addison McDowell | 2% → 17% | +15 pts | 35,565 | $13,503 47,446 households | Brief › |
| NC-05 Chuck Hubbard vs. Virginia Foxx | 2% → 16% | +14 pts | 41,993 | $13,915 51,121 households | Brief › |
| NC-13 Paul Barringer vs. Brad Knott | 4% → 18% | +14 pts | 33,921 | $9,496 28,398 households | Brief › |
| NC-08 Colby Watson vs. Mark Harris | 1% → 8% | +7 pts | 42,369 | $11,073 34,398 households | Brief › |
| NC-02 Eugene Douglass vs. Deborah Ross | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 106,410 | $7,120 20,532 households | Brief › |
| NC-04 Mahesh Ganorkar vs. Valerie Foushee | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 152,975 | $6,763 17,058 households | Brief › |
| NC-12 Jack Codiga vs. Alma S. Adams | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 101,553 | $5,192 11,637 households | Brief › |
Lift is the gain in win probability when the plan is executed. Call program: every household on the plan's target list, three attempts each, at published HyperPhonebank rates. Calls are the voter ID and ballot chase engine of each plan: they find the persuadable voters and the supporters so every other dollar lands on the right door.
Womack can win. The math closes using 75 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Precinct 148 (Mecklenburg County) +928Starting line Womack +28. 9.5% split their ticket. About 3,103 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 206 (Mecklenburg County) +740Starting line Womack +42. 9.4% split their ticket. About 1,859 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 202 (Mecklenburg County) +645Starting line Womack +10. 11.4% split their ticket.
- Precinct 230 (Mecklenburg County) +603Starting line Womack +50. 5.4% split their ticket. About 3,436 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 229 (Mecklenburg County) +597Starting line Womack +33. 7.6% split their ticket. About 5,135 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 27% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +21,169Ticket splitters and the 12 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 28,237 leaning Moore today.
- Mobilize +3,326At least 44,840 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Womack's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +590Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Womack's way.
What has to be true
- Womack wins 37 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Moore.
- In Precinct 230 (Mecklenburg County) and Precinct 229 (Mecklenburg County), 26 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 75 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression148 precincts, slope 0.979, R² 0.998, 27 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -22,940 to 26,506
- Cash on hand, June 30Womack -$376 · Moore $1,581,992
- Call program48,812 households, 146,435 dials, about 7,673 live conversations and 2,616 voter IDs, at $0.2846 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Hardy can win. The math closes using 53 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Mosquito 2 (Brunswick County) +1,010Starting line Rouzer +7. 17.2% split their ticket.
- Grissettown (Brunswick County) +676Starting line Rouzer +28. 16.2% split their ticket.
- Shingletree 2 (Brunswick County) +634Starting line Rouzer +25. 15.6% split their ticket.
- H08 (New Hanover County) +606Starting line Rouzer +7. 15.8% split their ticket.
- M02 (New Hanover County) +582Starting line Hardy +6. 14.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 34% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +18,671Ticket splitters and the 13 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 35,199 leaning Rouzer today.
- Mobilize +2,017At least 31,119 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Hardy's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +474Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Hardy's way.
What has to be true
- Hardy wins 27 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Rouzer.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 53 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression192 precincts, slope 0.964, R² 0.996, 36 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -24,700 to 27,455
- Cash on hand, June 30Hardy $65,017 · Rouzer $2,301,487
- Call program33,117 households, 99,351 dials, about 5,206 live conversations and 1,775 voter IDs, at $0.3219 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Whatley gets within 20,329 votes on campaign work alone. A 0.5-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Wake County +33,093Starting line Cooper +38. 32,000 persuadable voters leaning Cooper; 202,098 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Mecklenburg County +23,272Starting line Cooper +43. 22,507 persuadable voters leaning Cooper; 215,561 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Guilford County +13,532Starting line Cooper +31. 12,304 persuadable voters leaning Cooper; 96,682 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Forsyth County +10,457Starting line Cooper +24. 9,498 persuadable voters leaning Cooper; 70,348 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Davidson County +8,951Starting line Whatley +34. 4,653 persuadable voters leaning Cooper; 34,174 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
The top 12 counties carry 44% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +248,877Ticket splitters and the 4 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 248,877 leaning Cooper today.
- Mobilize +71,969At least 645,656 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in counties where Whatley's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +11,099Voters who went third party in recent races, in the counties that lean Whatley's way.
Plus a 0.5-point national shift (20,329 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Whatley wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Cooper.
- In the precincts Whatley's side carries in Randolph County and Davidson County, 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 0.5 points toward Whatley's side between now and November 3.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression2,679 precincts, slope 0.964, R² 0.997, 363 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -367,806 to 332,927
- Cash on hand, June 30Whatley $3,461,698 · Cooper $20,717,567
- Call program810,833 households, 2,432,500 dials, about 127,463 live conversations and 43,465 voter IDs, at $0.2749 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Ojeda can win. The math closes using 35 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Archdale (Randolph County) +481Starting line Hudson +42. 12.0% split their ticket.
- Seven Lakes (Moore County) +378Starting line Hudson +20. 12.7% split their ticket.
- Providence (Randolph County) +377Starting line Hudson +56. 11.4% split their ticket.
- Asheboro West (Randolph County) +332Starting line Hudson +13. 12.7% split their ticket.
- Pinehurst C (Moore County) +331Starting line Hudson +4. 11.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 33% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +9,520Ticket splitters and the 12 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 27,450 leaning Hudson today.
- Mobilize +2,155At least 49,682 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Ojeda's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +276Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Ojeda's way.
What has to be true
- Ojeda wins 17 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Hudson.
- In Lake Rim (Cumberland County), 12 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 35 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression169 precincts, slope 0.961, R² 0.988, 4 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -20,769 to 22,142
- Cash on hand, June 30Ojeda $163,673 · Hudson $1,335,132
- Call program20,545 households, 61,636 dials, about 3,230 live conversations and 1,101 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Buckhout can win. The math closes using 44 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Grantham 2B (Craven County) +339Starting line Buckhout +5. 12.7% split their ticket.
- Havelock (Craven County) +318Starting line Buckhout +10. 9.2% split their ticket.
- Bogue (Carteret County) +305Starting line Buckhout +38. 14.1% split their ticket. About 712 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Trent Woods (Craven County) +298Starting line Buckhout +17. 16.8% split their ticket.
- Rocky Mount Winstead (Nash County) +293Starting line Davis +24. 10.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 29% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +8,943Ticket splitters and the 7 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 20,468 leaning Davis today.
- Mobilize +2,037At least 48,925 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Buckhout's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +340Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Buckhout's way.
What has to be true
- Buckhout wins 22 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Davis.
- In Newport 2 (Carteret County) and Coopers (Nash County), 15 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 44 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression294 precincts, slope 0.968, R² 0.995, 57 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -23,488 to 24,969
- Cash on hand, June 30Buckhout $1,829,661 · Davis $3,570,366
- Call program22,866 households, 68,599 dials, about 3,595 live conversations and 1,226 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Ager can win. The math closes using 94 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Tc Roberson High School (Buncombe County) +301Starting line Ager +39. 9.1% split their ticket. About 1,118 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Cullowhee (Jackson County) +283Starting line Ager +27. 7.5% split their ticket. About 2,196 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Lower Hominy 1 - Oak Forest Presbyterian (Buncombe County) +233Starting line Ager +21. 7.2% split their ticket. About 1,403 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Lutheran Church of the Nativity (Buncombe County) +196Starting line Ager +23. 9.6% split their ticket. About 1,228 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- New Hope Presbyterian (Buncombe County) +191Starting line Ager +49. 7.8% split their ticket. About 612 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 14% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,76013,642 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Balkcom today.
- Mobilize +3,674At least 29,895 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Ager's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +982Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Ager's way.
What has to be true
- Ager wins 47 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Balkcom.
- In Cullowhee (Jackson County) and Murphy-Oakley Community Center (Buncombe County), 33 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 94 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one is sponsored by one side), so it is a weighted blend of official recent results; an independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression292 precincts, slope 0.974, R² 0.997, 48 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -37,320 to 38,932
- Cash on hand, June 30Ager $2,184,778 · Balkcom n/a
- Call program36,899 households, 110,696 dials, about 5,800 live conversations and 1,978 voter IDs, at $0.3095 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Smith can win. The math closes using 26 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Taylors (Wilson County) +442Starting line Smith +2. 10.4% split their ticket.
- Sneads Ferry (Onslow County) +375Starting line Murphy +41. 11.3% split their ticket.
- Chicod (Pitt County) +368Starting line Murphy +39. 10.5% split their ticket.
- Greenville 11A (Pitt County) +357Starting line even. 15.4% split their ticket.
- Folkstone (Onslow County) +336Starting line Murphy +39. 11.7% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 47% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +6,522Ticket splitters and the 15 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 25,120 leaning Murphy today.
- Mobilize +1,351At least 36,604 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Smith's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +161Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Smith's way.
What has to be true
- Smith wins 13 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Murphy.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 26 percent of what recent North Carolina results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression193 precincts, slope 0.957, R² 0.998, 38 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -18,065 to 18,583
- Cash on hand, June 30Smith $73,711 · Murphy $2,697,820
- Call program12,452 households, 37,356 dials, about 1,957 live conversations and 667 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Bell gets within 10,928 votes on campaign work alone. A 4.0-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Davidson 1-B (Iredell County) +828Starting line Harrigan +35. 14.1% split their ticket.
- Coddle Creek 3 (Iredell County) +588Starting line Harrigan +19. 10.9% split their ticket.
- Fallstown (Iredell County) +525Starting line Harrigan +39. 10.1% split their ticket.
- Westport (Lincoln County) +476Starting line Harrigan +31. 13.2% split their ticket.
- Davidson 2-B (Iredell County) +448Starting line Harrigan +21. 11.7% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 16% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +28,565Ticket splitters and the 11 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 28,565 leaning Harrigan today.
- Mobilize +5,374At least 34,539 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Bell's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +738Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Bell's way.
Plus a 4-point national shift (10,928 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Bell wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Harrigan.
- In Sims Recreation Center (Forsyth County) and Arts Council Theater (Forsyth County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 4.0 points toward Bell's side between now and November 3.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression187 precincts, slope 0.961, R² 0.998, 39 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -37,538 to 17,857
- Cash on hand, June 30Bell $26,174 · Harrigan $451,275
- Call program64,706 households, 194,117 dials, about 10,172 live conversations and 3,469 voter IDs, at $0.2598 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 6.8-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 02-09 (Cabarrus County) +396Starting line Jefferson +26. 8.8% split their ticket. About 2,311 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- G48 (Guilford County) +282Starting line Jefferson +69. 5.3% split their ticket. About 1,018 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Fr1 (Guilford County) +248Starting line Jefferson +36. 7.6% split their ticket. About 1,375 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Arcadia 04 (Davidson County) +232Starting line McDowell +37. 12.7% split their ticket.
- Wallburg 80A (Davidson County) +230Starting line McDowell +54. 13.6% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 15% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,82912,829 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McDowell today.
- Mobilize +4,929At least 40,879 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Jefferson's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +779Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Jefferson's way.
Plus a 6.8-point national shift (17,028 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Jefferson wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McDowell.
- In G48 (Guilford County) and G50 (Guilford County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 6.8 points toward Jefferson's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression195 precincts, slope 0.967, R² 0.998, 27 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -46,913 to 13,038
- Cash on hand, June 30Jefferson $13,898 · McDowell $381,728
- Call program47,446 households, 142,339 dials, about 7,459 live conversations and 2,544 voter IDs, at $0.2846 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 7.2-point national wave.
Where
- G45 (Guilford County) +428Starting line Hubbard +84. About 1,476 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- G68 (Guilford County) +315Starting line Hubbard +93. 1.3% split their ticket. About 973 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- G70 (Guilford County) +284Starting line Hubbard +89. 0.7% split their ticket. About 902 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Jef3 (Guilford County) +264Starting line Hubbard +65. 3.4% split their ticket. About 981 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- G67 (Guilford County) +259Starting line Hubbard +89. 1.3% split their ticket. About 835 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 15% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,28913,289 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Foxx today.
- Mobilize +8,148At least 45,347 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Hubbard's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +757Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Hubbard's way.
Plus a 7.2-point national shift (19,798 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Hubbard wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Foxx.
- In G45 (Guilford County) and G68 (Guilford County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 7.2 points toward Hubbard's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression231 precincts, slope 0.958, R² 0.999, 41 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -53,745 to 13,725
- Cash on hand, June 30Hubbard $99,815 · Foxx $3,369,069
- Call program51,121 households, 153,363 dials, about 8,036 live conversations and 2,740 voter IDs, at $0.2722 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 6.6-point national wave.
Where
- Flowers Plantation (Johnston County) +400Starting line Knott +3. 10.3% split their ticket.
- Precinct 14-02 (Wake County) +350Starting line Knott +11. 12.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct 12-01 (Wake County) +310Starting line Knott +4. 12.8% split their ticket.
- Precinct 12-09 (Wake County) +249Starting line Knott +2. 12.8% split their ticket.
- Barbecue (Harnett County) +243Starting line Knott +14. 8.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 20% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +14,17514,175 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Knott today.
- Mobilize +651At least 10,415 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Barringer's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +837Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Barringer's way.
Plus a 6.6-point national shift (18,257 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Barringer wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Knott.
- The national environment moves about 6.6 points toward Barringer's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression138 precincts, slope 0.951, R² 0.995, 17 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -50,817 to 14,506
- Cash on hand, June 30Barringer $514,555 · Knott $707,795
- Call program28,398 households, 85,195 dials, about 4,464 live conversations and 1,522 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 10.2-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 227 (Mecklenburg County) +307Starting line Watson +14. 10.0% split their ticket. About 1,965 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 01-04 (Cabarrus County) +237Starting line Watson +15. 8.2% split their ticket. About 1,784 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct 137 (Mecklenburg County) +230Starting line Watson +5. 11.5% split their ticket.
- Precinct 091 (Mecklenburg County) +222Starting line Watson +13. 10.9% split their ticket. About 939 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Sandy Ridge Elementary School (Union County) +194Starting line Harris +9. 11.1% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 17% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,25312,253 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Harris today.
- Mobilize +1,485At least 23,194 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Watson's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +753Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Watson's way.
Plus a 10.2-point national shift (27,878 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Watson wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Harris.
- In Wadesboro (Anson County) and Precinct 227 (Mecklenburg County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 10.2 points toward Watson's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression199 precincts, slope 0.977, R² 0.996, 32 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -60,363 to 4,529
- Cash on hand, June 30Watson $2,343 · Harris $517,853
- Call program34,398 households, 103,195 dials, about 5,407 live conversations and 1,844 voter IDs, at $0.3219 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 32.0-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 19-19 (Wake County) +321Starting line Ross +4. 12.8% split their ticket.
- Precinct 02-02 (Wake County) +297Starting line Ross +6. 12.7% split their ticket.
- Precinct 13-10 (Wake County) +263Starting line Ross +26. 12.4% split their ticket.
- Precinct 01-11 (Wake County) +238Starting line Ross +10. 23.1% split their ticket.
- Precinct 05-06 (Wake County) +220Starting line Ross +33. 12.0% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 18% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,74213,742 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Ross today.
- Mobilize +26At least 348 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Douglass's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +674Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Douglass's way.
Plus a 32-point national shift (91,969 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Douglass wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Ross.
- The national environment moves about 32.0 points toward Douglass's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression155 precincts, slope 0.966, R² 0.996, 24 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -125,568 to -57,857
- Cash on hand, June 30Douglass n/a · Ross $1,337,687
- Call program20,532 households, 61,595 dials, about 3,228 live conversations and 1,101 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 44.8-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 06-12 (Wake County) +300Starting line Foushee +11. 12.4% split their ticket.
- Precinct 06-06 (Wake County) +293Starting line Foushee +19. 12.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct 18-05 (Wake County) +238Starting line Foushee +23. 11.7% split their ticket.
- Precinct 20-14 (Wake County) +234Starting line Foushee +36. 9.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct 20-11 (Wake County) +222Starting line Foushee +26. 10.8% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 23% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +11,23811,238 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Foushee today.
- Mobilize +40At least 679 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Ganorkar's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +549Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Ganorkar's way.
Plus a 44.8-point national shift (141,149 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Ganorkar wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Foushee.
- The national environment moves about 44.8 points toward Ganorkar's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression141 precincts, slope 0.942, R² 0.997, 16 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -178,340 to -104,278
- Cash on hand, June 30Ganorkar $16,967 · Foushee $47,788
- Call program17,058 households, 51,173 dials, about 2,681 live conversations and 914 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 43.9-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct 022 (Mecklenburg County) +237Starting line Adams +28. 11.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct 145 (Mecklenburg County) +198Starting line Adams +46. 6.8% split their ticket.
- Precinct 075 (Mecklenburg County) +178Starting line Adams +14. 15.0% split their ticket.
- Precinct 011 (Mecklenburg County) +171Starting line Adams +47. 7.8% split their ticket.
- Precinct 032 (Mecklenburg County) +166Starting line Adams +11. 21.3% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 23% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,8407,840 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Adams today.
- Mobilize +0There are almost no precincts Codiga's side carries, so turnout alone cannot help here.
- Consolidate +414Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Codiga's way.
Plus a 43.9-point national shift (93,298 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Codiga wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Adams.
- The national environment moves about 43.9 points toward Codiga's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression145 precincts, slope 0.910, R² 0.994, 20 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -118,508 to -68,367
- Cash on hand, June 30Codiga $3 · Adams $456,594
- Call program11,637 households, 34,911 dials, about 1,829 live conversations and 624 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Independent analysis by The Political Group from official North Carolina State Board of Elections precinct returns, FEC filings and published polls. Baseline error and plan efficacy are stated assumptions shown on each race page. Not affiliated with any candidate or party. Text or call Frank Carrasco, 469.639.1600.