Where a dollar moves a Michigan race.
14 federal races, seen from the underdog's side. Ranked by how far a disciplined voter contact plan moves the underdog's odds, from 20,000 seeded simulations per race built on official precinct returns.
| Race | Odds: today → with the plan | Lift | Net votes | Call program | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Michigan U.S. Senate Mike Rogers vs. Abdul El-Sayed | 30% → 51% | +21 pts | 116,706 | $59,812 217,578 households | Brief › |
| MI-04 Sean McCann vs. Bill Huizenga | 50% → 66% | +16 pts | 6,921 | $5,185 11,620 households | Brief › |
| MI-08 Thomas J. Smith vs. Kristen McDonald Rivet | 19% → 33% | +14 pts | 21,130 | $9,463 28,297 households | Brief › |
| MI-07 William Lawrence vs. Tom Barrett | 50% → 62% | +12 pts | 7,577 | $7,150 20,616 households | Brief › |
| MI-10 Christina Hines vs. Michael Bouchard | 43% → 50% | +7 pts | 4,254 | $3,850 7,392 households | Brief › |
| MI-01 Callie Barr vs. Jack Bergman | <1% → 2% | +2 pts | 75,130 | $8,594 25,699 households | Brief › |
| MI-03 Terri DeBoer vs. Hillary Scholten | 7% → 9% | +2 pts | 36,411 | $6,032 15,213 households | Brief › |
| MI-02 Ben Ambrose vs. John Moolenaar | 0% → <1% | +0 pts | 100,270 | $6,870 17,326 households | Brief › |
| MI-05 Christian Vukasovich vs. Tim Walberg | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 87,818 | $7,002 18,837 households | Brief › |
| MI-06 Heather Smiley vs. Debbie Dingell | 0% → <1% | +0 pts | 108,687 | $4,671 10,469 households | Brief › |
| MI-09 Ray Pooley vs. Lisa McClain | 0% → <1% | +0 pts | 118,333 | $7,305 21,065 households | Brief › |
| MI-11 Ethan Baker vs. Jeremy Moss | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 79,890 | $5,575 13,229 households | Brief › |
| MI-12 James D. Hooper vs. Rashida Tlaib | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 125,325 | $6,155 14,605 households | Brief › |
| MI-13 Taras "T.P." Nykoriak vs. Donavan McKinney | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 111,252 | $4,209 8,935 households | Brief › |
Lift is the gain in win probability when the plan is executed. Call program: every household on the plan's target list, three attempts each, at published HyperPhonebank rates. Calls are the voter ID and ballot chase engine of each plan: they find the persuadable voters and the supporters so every other dollar lands on the right door.
Rogers can win. The plan uses 35 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Macomb County +21,816Starting line Rogers +6. 27,421 persuadable voters leaning El-Sayed; 124,516 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Wayne County +20,107Starting line El-Sayed +33. 42,716 persuadable voters leaning El-Sayed; 213,253 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Oakland County +10,438Starting line El-Sayed +15. 41,634 persuadable voters leaning El-Sayed; 142,610 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Livingston County +6,751Starting line Rogers +20. 7,723 persuadable voters leaning El-Sayed; 23,616 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- St. Clair County +5,050Starting line Rogers +27. 5,371 persuadable voters leaning El-Sayed; 21,891 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
The top 12 counties carry 70% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +102,720297,441 voters in play: ticket splitters now leaning El-Sayed, plus the 11 percent still undecided in the latest poll.
- Mobilize +14,284At least 439,770 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Rogers's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +5,537Voters who went third party in recent races, in the counties that lean Rogers's way.
What has to be true
- Rogers wins 17 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning El-Sayed.
- In the cities and townships Rogers's side carries in St. Clair County and Allegan County, 12 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan uses 35 percent of what recent Michigan results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from the published 2026 head-to-head polls between these two finalists, sponsored ones included; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression4,417 precincts, slope 0.984, R² 0.994, 612 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -363,932 to 380,911
- Cash on hand, July 15Rogers $4,473,237 · El-Sayed $2,552,763
- Call program217,578 households, 652,733 dials, about 34,203 live conversations and 11,663 voter IDs, at $0.2749 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
McCann can win. The plan uses 26 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Portage +1,822Starting line McCann +23. 7.7% split their ticket.
- Kalamazoo +723Starting line McCann +64. 4.8% split their ticket. About 7,843 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Texas Township (Kalamazoo County) +719Starting line McCann +10. 7.6% split their ticket.
- Comstock Township (Kalamazoo County) +570Starting line McCann +9. 7.5% split their ticket.
- Benton Harbor +494Starting line McCann +93. 2.1% split their ticket. About 1,507 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 cities and townships carry 80% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +5,89923,084 voters in play: ticket splitters now leaning Huizenga, plus the 7 percent still undecided in the latest poll.
- Mobilize +1,054At least 33,797 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where McCann's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +313Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean McCann's way.
What has to be true
- McCann wins 13 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Huizenga.
- In Kalamazoo and Benton Harbor, 9 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan uses 26 percent of what recent Michigan results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from the published 2026 head-to-head polls between these two finalists, sponsored ones included; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression299 precincts, slope 1.026, R² 0.990, 44 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -21,840 to 36,026
- Cash on hand, July 15McCann $1,686,240 · Huizenga $2,268,747
- Call program11,620 households, 34,859 dials, about 1,827 live conversations and 623 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Smith gets within 10,623 votes on campaign work alone. A 3.1-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Saginaw Township (Saginaw County) +499Starting line McDonald Rivet +11. 4.1% split their ticket.
- Grand Blanc Township (Genesee County) +421Starting line McDonald Rivet +13. 3.6% split their ticket.
- Bay City +392Starting line McDonald Rivet +19. 5.2% split their ticket.
- Burton +368Starting line McDonald Rivet +10. 5.1% split their ticket.
- Midland (Midland County) +337Starting line McDonald Rivet +8. 2.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 37% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +7,3577,357 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McDonald Rivet today.
- Mobilize +1,414At least 21,336 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Smith's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,736Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Smith's way.
Plus a 3.1-point national shift (10,623 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Smith wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McDonald Rivet.
- In Fenton Township (Genesee County) and Thomas Township (Saginaw County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 3.1 points toward Smith's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression302 precincts, slope 0.944, R² 0.991, 57 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -50,954 to 29,369
- Cash on hand, July 15Smith $219,799 · Rivet $4,254,099
- Call program28,297 households, 84,890 dials, about 4,448 live conversations and 1,517 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Lawrence can win. The plan uses 80 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Lansing (Ingham County) +2,307Starting line Lawrence +47. 1.7% split their ticket. About 11,486 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- East Lansing (Ingham County) +978Starting line Lawrence +58. 1.3% split their ticket. About 4,601 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Meridian Township (Ingham County) +461Starting line Lawrence +42. 1.5% split their ticket. About 3,840 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Delta Township (Eaton County) +368Starting line Lawrence +23. 3.3% split their ticket.
- Delhi Township (Ingham County) +240Starting line Lawrence +20. 2.3% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 67% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +3,5844,501 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Barrett today.
- Mobilize +3,181At least 30,237 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Lawrence's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,191Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Lawrence's way.
What has to be true
- Lawrence wins 40 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Barrett.
- In Lansing (Ingham County) and East Lansing (Ingham County), 28 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan uses 80 percent of what recent Michigan results show is possible.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one comes from one side's sponsors, and the major ratings disagree); with Cook, Sabato and Inside Elections all at toss-up, the race is treated as a tie. An independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression302 precincts, slope 1.021, R² 0.997, 46 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -35,702 to 52,074
- Cash on hand, July 15Lawrence $383,116 · Barrett $2,871,872
- Call program20,616 households, 61,849 dials, about 3,241 live conversations and 1,105 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Hines can win. The plan uses 34 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Rochester Hills +1,366Starting line Hines +1. 7.1% split their ticket.
- St. Clair Shores +1,045Starting line Bouchard +4. 6.7% split their ticket.
- Eastpointe +461Starting line Hines +52. 4.3% split their ticket. About 4,862 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Harrison Township (Macomb County) +416Starting line Bouchard +16. 6.6% split their ticket.
- Warren +387Starting line Hines +13. 6.0% split their ticket.
The top 10 cities and townships carry 100% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +3,57010,468 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Bouchard today.
- Mobilize +331At least 7,864 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Hines's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +567Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Hines's way.
What has to be true
- Hines wins 17 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Bouchard.
- In Eastpointe, 12 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan uses 34 percent of what recent Michigan results show is possible.
- Published 2026 polls do not set the starting line here (every usable one comes from one side's sponsors, and the major ratings disagree), so the line is a weighted blend of official recent results. An independent head-to-head poll would move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression288 precincts, slope 1.005, R² 0.982, 42 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -38,351 to 38,227
- Cash on hand, July 15Hines $158,196 · Bouchard $1,144,520
- Call program7,392 households, 22,175 dials, about 1,162 live conversations and 396 voter IDs, at $0.5208 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 15.1-point national wave.
Where
- Marquette +524Starting line Barr +37. 4.8% split their ticket. About 2,147 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Traverse City (Grand Traverse County) +402Starting line Barr +34. 5.2% split their ticket. About 1,206 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Garfield Township (Grand Traverse County) +374Starting line Barr +4. 6.6% split their ticket.
- Sault Ste. Marie +240Starting line Bergman +5. 9.1% split their ticket.
- East Bay Township (Grand Traverse County) +226Starting line Bergman +6. 5.9% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 20% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,24513,245 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Bergman today.
- Mobilize +607At least 7,061 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Barr's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,293Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Barr's way.
Plus a 15.1-point national shift (59,985 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Barr wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Bergman.
- In Marquette and Traverse City (Grand Traverse County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 15.1 points toward Barr's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression538 precincts, slope 0.973, R² 0.984, 79 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -105,792 to -13,673
- Cash on hand, July 15Barr $530,725 · Bergman $660,163
- Call program25,699 households, 77,097 dials, about 4,040 live conversations and 1,378 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 9.2-point national wave.
Where
- Grand Rapids +443Starting line Scholten +43. 0.7% split their ticket.
- Byron Township (Kent County) +423Starting line DeBoer +29. 1.0% split their ticket. About 3,093 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Wyoming +311Starting line Scholten +10. 1.3% split their ticket.
- Allendale Township (Ottawa County) +295Starting line DeBoer +22. 1.1% split their ticket. About 2,967 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Fruitport Township (Muskegon County) +225Starting line DeBoer +13. 2.9% split their ticket. About 2,014 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 cities and townships carry 62% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +2,2252,225 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Scholten today.
- Mobilize +1,083At least 14,030 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where DeBoer's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,249Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean DeBoer's way.
Plus a 9.2-point national shift (31,854 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- DeBoer wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Scholten.
- In Byron Township (Kent County) and Allendale Township (Ottawa County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 9.2 points toward DeBoer's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression271 precincts, slope 0.995, R² 0.993, 40 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -72,079 to 7,874
- Cash on hand, July 15DeBoer $361,355 · Scholten $1,356,573
- Call program15,213 households, 45,638 dials, about 2,391 live conversations and 815 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 25.4-point national wave.
Where
- Mount Pleasant +370Starting line Ambrose +29. 5.7% split their ticket. About 1,708 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Caledonia Township (Kent County) +260Starting line Moolenaar +29. 5.4% split their ticket.
- Algoma Township (Kent County) +162Starting line Moolenaar +26. 4.4% split their ticket.
- Union Township (Isabella County) +158Starting line Ambrose +6. 7.6% split their ticket.
- Cadillac +155Starting line Moolenaar +16. 7.0% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 17% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +10,19810,198 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Moolenaar today.
- Mobilize +170At least 1,823 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Ambrose's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +1,012Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Ambrose's way.
Plus a 25.4-point national shift (88,890 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Ambrose wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Moolenaar.
- In Mount Pleasant, 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 25.4 points toward Ambrose's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression385 precincts, slope 0.981, R² 0.979, 64 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -129,399 to -47,605
- Cash on hand, July 15Ambrose $21,868 · Moolenaar $1,905,561
- Call program17,326 households, 51,979 dials, about 2,724 live conversations and 929 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 23.6-point national wave.
Where
- Bedford Township (Monroe County) +513Starting line Walberg +24. 6.4% split their ticket.
- Jackson +453Starting line Vukasovich +14. 6.0% split their ticket. About 3,709 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Summit Township (Jackson County) +416Starting line Walberg +16. 7.2% split their ticket.
- Frenchtown Township (Monroe County) +330Starting line Walberg +24. 7.3% split their ticket.
- Blackman Township (Jackson County) +313Starting line Walberg +13. 8.6% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 33% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +9,8089,808 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Walberg today.
- Mobilize +283At least 5,460 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Vukasovich's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +778Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Vukasovich's way.
Plus a 23.6-point national shift (76,949 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Vukasovich wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Walberg.
- In Jackson and Albion, 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 23.6 points toward Vukasovich's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression322 precincts, slope 0.982, R² 0.985, 42 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -115,411 to -38,776
- Cash on hand, July 15Vukasovich $13,290 · Walberg $993,833
- Call program18,837 households, 56,511 dials, about 2,961 live conversations and 1,010 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 27.2-point national wave.
Where
- Canton Township (Wayne County) +700Starting line Dingell +23. 2.3% split their ticket.
- Brownstown Township (Wayne County) +461Starting line Dingell +7. 5.5% split their ticket.
- Novi +389Starting line Dingell +17. 2.6% split their ticket.
- Huron Township (Wayne County) +334Starting line Smiley +18. 4.7% split their ticket. About 2,226 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Ypsilanti Township (Washtenaw County) +314Starting line Dingell +52. 2.2% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 68% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +4,3984,398 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Dingell today.
- Mobilize +230At least 4,034 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Smiley's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +820Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Smiley's way.
Plus a 27.2-point national shift (103,239 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Smiley wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Dingell.
- In Huron Township (Wayne County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 27.2 points toward Smiley's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression261 precincts, slope 0.929, R² 0.989, 39 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -146,680 to -59,892
- Cash on hand, July 15Smiley n/a · Dingell $414,935
- Call program10,469 households, 31,408 dials, about 1,646 live conversations and 561 voter IDs, at $0.4462 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 26.7-point national wave.
Where
- Macomb Township (Macomb County) +1,382Starting line McClain +26. 7.6% split their ticket.
- Chesterfield Township (Macomb County) +988Starting line McClain +23. 8.0% split their ticket.
- Orion Township (Oakland County) +822Starting line McClain +12. 7.4% split their ticket.
- Independence Township (Oakland County) +788Starting line McClain +19. 7.1% split their ticket.
- Washington Township (Macomb County) +527Starting line McClain +38. 6.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 48% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,49313,493 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McClain today.
- Mobilize +0Few cities and townships give Pooley's side 55 percent or more, so turnout is a small lever here; the plan leans on persuasion instead.
- Consolidate +1,240Voters who went third party in recent races, in the closest places on the map.
Plus a 26.7-point national shift (103,600 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Pooley wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McClain.
- It would take a national shift of about 26.7 points toward Pooley's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression325 precincts, slope 0.984, R² 0.982, 63 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -148,455 to -58,064
- Cash on hand, July 15Pooley $4,942 · McClain $1,536,890
- Call program21,065 households, 63,195 dials, about 3,311 live conversations and 1,129 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 19.2-point national wave.
Where
- Troy +918Starting line Moss +12. 4.0% split their ticket.
- Waterford Township (Oakland County) +799Starting line Baker +3. 4.3% split their ticket.
- Farmington Hills +683Starting line Moss +32. 3.0% split their ticket.
- West Bloomfield Township (Oakland County) +646Starting line Moss +19. 3.1% split their ticket.
- Royal Oak +610Starting line Moss +36. 3.3% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 83% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +6,5416,541 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Moss today.
- Mobilize +203At least 3,966 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in cities and townships where Baker's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +744Voters who went third party in recent races, in the cities and townships that lean Baker's way.
Plus a 19.2-point national shift (72,403 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Baker wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Moss.
- In White Lake Township (Oakland County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- It would take a national shift of about 19.2 points toward Baker's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression287 precincts, slope 0.992, R² 0.992, 45 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -115,894 to -28,901
- Cash on hand, July 15Baker $121,125 · Moss $352,517
- Call program13,229 households, 39,687 dials, about 2,080 live conversations and 709 voter IDs, at $0.4214 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 40.1-point national wave.
Where
- Dearborn +3,355Starting line Tlaib +21. 19.2% split their ticket.
- Livonia +2,149Starting line Tlaib +2. 7.1% split their ticket.
- Dearborn Heights +1,328Starting line Tlaib +23. 20.8% split their ticket.
- Westland +1,000Starting line Tlaib +20. 5.1% split their ticket.
- Garden City +524Starting line Hooper +2. 7.3% split their ticket.
The top 11 cities and townships carry 100% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +8,9408,940 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Tlaib today.
- Mobilize +0Few cities and townships give Hooper's side 55 percent or more, so turnout is a small lever here; the plan leans on persuasion instead.
- Consolidate +1,150Voters who went third party in recent races, in the closest places on the map.
Plus a 40.1-point national shift (115,234 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Hooper wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Tlaib.
- It would take a national shift of about 40.1 points toward Hooper's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression408 precincts, slope 0.770, R² 0.737, 36 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -149,282 to -81,583
- Cash on hand, July 15Hooper $8,381 · Tlaib $3,434,433
- Call program14,605 households, 43,814 dials, about 2,296 live conversations and 783 voter IDs, at $0.4214 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 42.9-point national wave.
Where
- Detroit +1,747Starting line McKinney +82. 3.2% split their ticket.
- Taylor +636Starting line McKinney +10. 4.3% split their ticket.
- Allen Park +414Starting line McKinney +6. 4.8% split their ticket.
- Southgate +388Starting line McKinney +11. 5.0% split their ticket.
- Lincoln Park +376Starting line McKinney +18. 4.7% split their ticket.
The top 12 cities and townships carry 88% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +4,9964,996 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean McKinney today.
- Mobilize +28Few cities and townships give Nykoriak's side 55 percent or more, so turnout is a small lever here; the plan leans on persuasion instead.
- Consolidate +936Voters who went third party in recent races, in the closest places on the map.
Plus a 42.9-point national shift (105,292 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Nykoriak wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning McKinney.
- It would take a national shift of about 42.9 points toward Nykoriak's side, larger than any midterm swing in recent memory.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression429 precincts, slope 0.925, R² 0.989, 74 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -133,870 to -76,887
- Cash on hand, July 15Nykoriak n/a · McKinney $142,854
- Call program8,935 households, 26,804 dials, about 1,405 live conversations and 479 voter IDs, at $0.4711 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Independent analysis by The Political Group from official Michigan Bureau of Elections precinct returns, FEC filings and published polls. Baseline error and plan efficacy are stated assumptions shown on each race page. Not affiliated with any candidate or party. Text or call Frank Carrasco, 469.639.1600.