Where a dollar moves an Ohio race.
16 federal races, seen from the underdog's side. Ranked by how far a disciplined voter contact plan moves the underdog's odds, from 20,000 seeded simulations per race built on official precinct returns.
| Race | Odds: today → with the plan | Lift | Net votes | Call program | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| OH-07 Max Miller vs. Brian Poindexter | 2% → 53% | +51 pts | 32,755 | $14,908 54,767 households | Brief › |
| OH-10 Kristina Knickerbocker vs. Mike Turner | 8% → 52% | +44 pts | 18,773 | $9,973 29,823 households | Brief › |
| OH-15 Don Leonard vs. Mike Carey | 15% → 51% | +36 pts | 12,833 | $8,105 23,371 households | Brief › |
| Ohio U.S. Senate Jon Husted vs. Sherrod Brown | 17% → 52% | +35 pts | 198,484 | $106,177 386,240 households | Brief › |
| OH-01 Eric Conroy vs. Greg Landsman | 19% → 52% | +33 pts | 13,087 | $8,419 25,177 households | Brief › |
| OH-09 Marcy Kaptur vs. Derek Merrin | 6% → 36% | +30 pts | 29,871 | $14,149 49,715 households | Brief › |
| OH-13 Carey Coleman vs. Emilia Sykes | 28% → 51% | +23 pts | 11,849 | $9,257 27,681 households | Brief › |
| OH-08 Vanessa Enoch vs. Warren Davidson | 1% → 6% | +5 pts | 50,383 | $11,152 36,033 households | Brief › |
| OH-14 Maria Jukic vs. David Joyce | <1% → 4% | +4 pts | 57,143 | $9,574 28,631 households | Brief › |
| OH-05 Brian Shaver vs. Bob Latta | <1% → 1% | +1 pts | 61,713 | $9,765 30,335 households | Brief › |
| OH-02 Jen Mazzuckelli vs. David Taylor | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 102,806 | $6,587 16,614 households | Brief › |
| OH-03 Cleophus Dulaney vs. Joyce Beatty | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 103,182 | $6,918 17,447 households | Brief › |
| OH-04 Joshua Kolasinski vs. Jim Jordan | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 119,734 | $6,833 18,384 households | Brief › |
| OH-06 Elizabeth Kirtley vs. Michael Rulli | 0% → <1% | +0 pts | 85,821 | $8,365 24,120 households | Brief › |
| OH-11 Mike Kirchner vs. Shontel Brown | 0% → 0% | +0 pts | 120,491 | $6,193 15,620 households | Brief › |
| OH-12 Jerrad Christian vs. Troy Balderson | <1% → <1% | +0 pts | 87,041 | $8,667 24,992 households | Brief › |
Lift is the gain in win probability when the plan is executed. Call program: every household on the plan's target list, three attempts each, at published HyperPhonebank rates. Calls are the voter ID and ballot chase engine of each plan: they find the persuadable voters and the supporters so every other dollar lands on the right door.
Miller can win. The math closes using 76 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Berea-03-A (Cuyahoga County) +175Starting line Poindexter +36. 11.9% split their ticket.
- Broadview Heights-04-A (Cuyahoga County) +154Starting line Miller +1. 12.5% split their ticket.
- Olmsted Township-00-G (Cuyahoga County) +150Starting line Poindexter +21. 12.8% split their ticket.
- Broadview Heights-02-D (Cuyahoga County) +143Starting line Poindexter +19. 11.9% split their ticket.
- Strongsville-01-D (Cuyahoga County) +141Starting line Poindexter +12. 16.6% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 5% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +32,608Ticket splitters and the 16 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 42,873 leaning Poindexter today.
- Mobilize +1,384At least 21,823 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Miller's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +401Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Miller's way.
What has to be true
- Miller wins 38 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Poindexter.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 76 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression536 precincts, slope 0.970, R² 0.984, 98 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -28,687 to 33,621
- Cash on hand, June 30Miller $1,379,132 · Poindexter $312,290
- Call program54,767 households, 164,301 dials, about 8,609 live conversations and 2,936 voter IDs, at $0.2722 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Knickerbocker can win. The math closes using 59 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Fairborn 226 (Greene County) +169Starting line Turner +11. 12.0% split their ticket.
- Dayton 22-C (Montgomery County) +163Starting line Knickerbocker +90. 10.6% split their ticket. About 361 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Harrison Twp M (Montgomery County) +137Starting line Knickerbocker +76. 13.3% split their ticket. About 223 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Sugarcreek 151 (Greene County) +125Starting line Turner +21. 9.8% split their ticket.
- Trotwood 1-E (Montgomery County) +120Starting line Knickerbocker +85. 10.8% split their ticket. About 210 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 8% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +17,078Ticket splitters and the 11 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 28,877 leaning Turner today.
- Mobilize +2,309At least 23,095 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Knickerbocker's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +324Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Knickerbocker's way.
What has to be true
- Knickerbocker wins 30 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Turner.
- In Dayton 22-C (Montgomery County) and Trotwood 2-B (Montgomery County), 21 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 59 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression588 precincts, slope 0.964, R² 0.993, 80 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -23,445 to 25,808
- Cash on hand, June 30Knickerbocker $125,160 · Turner $556,284
- Call program29,823 households, 89,468 dials, about 4,688 live conversations and 1,599 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Leonard can win. The math closes using 43 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Cols 86-A (Franklin County) +178Starting line Leonard +55. 9.9% split their ticket. About 567 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Hill 4-A (Franklin County) +156Starting line Leonard +24. 11.3% split their ticket.
- Dub 3-B (Franklin County) +144Starting line Leonard +14. 15.6% split their ticket.
- Dub 3-A (Franklin County) +119Starting line Leonard +4. 12.1% split their ticket.
- Hill 4-C (Franklin County) +114Starting line Leonard +16. 11.1% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 11% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +11,210Ticket splitters and the 12 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 26,184 leaning Carey today.
- Mobilize +2,053At least 44,332 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Leonard's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +211Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Leonard's way.
What has to be true
- Leonard wins 21 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Carey.
- In Cols 86-A (Franklin County) and Cols 45-C (Franklin County), 15 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 43 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression536 precincts, slope 0.975, R² 0.993, 74 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -20,829 to 22,205
- Cash on hand, June 30Leonard $252,402 · Carey $2,056,713
- Call program23,371 households, 70,113 dials, about 3,674 live conversations and 1,253 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Husted can win. The math closes using 49 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Cuyahoga County +25,446Starting line Brown +46. 36,895 persuadable voters leaning Brown; 171,459 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Franklin County +15,523Starting line Brown +44. 35,029 persuadable voters leaning Brown; 179,357 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Lucas County +13,918Starting line Brown +27. 14,290 persuadable voters leaning Brown; 59,048 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Hamilton County +9,765Starting line Brown +28. 24,530 persuadable voters leaning Brown; 108,981 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
- Montgomery County +9,602Starting line Brown +14. 16,137 persuadable voters leaning Brown; 69,475 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022.
The top 12 counties carry 60% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +172,567Ticket splitters and the 7 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 348,683 leaning Brown today.
- Mobilize +31,749At least 611,381 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in counties where Husted's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +4,093Voters who went third party in recent races, in the counties that lean Husted's way.
What has to be true
- Husted wins 25 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Brown.
- In the precincts Husted's side carries in Hamilton County and Stark County, 17 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 49 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression8,933 precincts, slope 0.968, R² 0.993, 1,614 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -346,224 to 371,799
- Cash on hand, June 30Husted $9,419,311 · Brown $16,229,741
- Call program386,240 households, 1,158,721 dials, about 60,717 live conversations and 20,704 voter IDs, at $0.2749 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Conroy can win. The math closes using 40 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Deerfield Twp Cc (Warren County) +119Starting line Conroy +9. 13.8% split their ticket.
- Anderson I (Hamilton County) +109Starting line Landsman +10. 11.9% split their ticket.
- Mason City Y (Warren County) +104Starting line Landsman +5. 13.3% split their ticket.
- Symmes C (Hamilton County) +102Starting line Landsman +2. 11.3% split their ticket.
- South Lebanon City D (Warren County) +99Starting line Conroy +13. 10.7% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 9% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +11,024Ticket splitters and the 10 percent still undecided in the latest poll: 27,372 leaning Landsman today.
- Mobilize +2,484At least 50,025 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Conroy's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +233Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Conroy's way.
What has to be true
- Conroy wins 20 percent of the ticket splitters and undecided voters now leaning Landsman.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 40 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- The starting line comes from published 2026 polls, including campaign or party sponsored polls where those are the only ones; if the true gap is different, so is the plan.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression541 precincts, slope 0.970, R² 0.997, 94 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 5-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -24,233 to 25,914
- Cash on hand, June 30Conroy $474,156 · Landsman $3,610,214
- Call program25,177 households, 75,531 dials, about 3,958 live conversations and 1,350 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Kaptur gets within 7,319 votes on campaign work alone. A 2.7-point national shift finishes it.
Where
- Precinct Toledo 8B (Lucas County) +130Starting line Kaptur +85. 11.9% split their ticket. About 398 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Toledo 14F (Lucas County) +124Starting line Kaptur +88. 24.4% split their ticket. About 342 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Toledo 10F (Lucas County) +112Starting line Kaptur +73. 12.0% split their ticket. About 413 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Toledo 14A (Lucas County) +111Starting line Kaptur +84. 11.6% split their ticket. About 346 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Toledo 14B (Lucas County) +102Starting line Kaptur +85. 20.7% split their ticket. About 291 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 5% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +17,55917,559 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Merrin today.
- Mobilize +4,389At least 35,207 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Kaptur's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +604Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Kaptur's way.
Plus a 2.7-point national shift (7,319 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Kaptur wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Merrin.
- In Precinct Toledo 8B (Lucas County) and Precinct Toledo 14F (Lucas County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 2.7 points toward Kaptur's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression588 precincts, slope 0.988, R² 0.991, 90 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -40,870 to 26,590
- Cash on hand, June 30Kaptur $3,491,668 · Merrin $531,214
- Call program49,715 households, 149,146 dials, about 7,815 live conversations and 2,665 voter IDs, at $0.2846 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Coleman can win. The math closes using 72 percent of what history allows.
Where
- Sagamore Hills Twp A (Summit County) +86Starting line Coleman +14. 18.8% split their ticket.
- Jackson 23 (Stark County) +86Starting line Coleman +32. 12.2% split their ticket. About 271 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Lake 18 (Stark County) +86Starting line Coleman +36. 9.5% split their ticket. About 365 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Canton Twp 5 (Stark County) +84Starting line Coleman +33. 11.4% split their ticket. About 338 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Jackson 33 (Stark County) +78Starting line Coleman +28. 10.0% split their ticket. About 369 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 7% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +10,47814,627 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Sykes today.
- Mobilize +1,551At least 31,321 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Coleman's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +412Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Coleman's way.
What has to be true
- Coleman wins 36 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Sykes.
- In Springfield Twp G (Summit County) and Lake 18 (Stark County), 25 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- No national wave is required. The plan closes at 72 percent of what recent Ohio results show is possible.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression556 precincts, slope 0.959, R² 0.987, 93 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -33,491 to 34,637
- Cash on hand, June 30Coleman $77,727 · Sykes $1,897,462
- Call program27,681 households, 83,044 dials, about 4,352 live conversations and 1,484 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 11.4-point national wave.
Where
- Lincoln Hgts A (Hamilton County) +106Starting line Enoch +89. 6.7% split their ticket. About 289 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Golf Manor B (Hamilton County) +95Starting line Enoch +73. 6.6% split their ticket. About 300 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Woodlawn B (Hamilton County) +94Starting line Enoch +73. 6.7% split their ticket. About 281 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Wyoming C (Hamilton County) +90Starting line Enoch +40. 11.8% split their ticket. About 220 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Forest Park C (Hamilton County) +88Starting line Enoch +70. 11.1% split their ticket. About 263 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 6% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,93212,932 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Davidson today.
- Mobilize +3,116At least 24,922 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Enoch's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +502Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Enoch's way.
Plus a 11.4-point national shift (33,832 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Enoch wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Davidson.
- In Lincoln Hgts A (Hamilton County) and Golf Manor B (Hamilton County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 11.4 points toward Enoch's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression601 precincts, slope 0.969, R² 0.995, 83 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -69,365 to 1,647
- Cash on hand, June 30Enoch $2,987 · Davidson $529,910
- Call program36,033 households, 108,099 dials, about 5,664 live conversations and 1,931 voter IDs, at $0.3095 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 12.5-point national wave.
Where
- Liberty Twp G (Trumbull County) +78Starting line Jukic +38. 21.4% split their ticket. About 181 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Willoughby Hills City Gg (Lake County) +75Starting line Jukic +58. 10.4% split their ticket. About 291 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Niles City 2A (Trumbull County) +71Starting line Jukic +2. 19.8% split their ticket.
- Warren City 7A (Trumbull County) +66Starting line Jukic +58. 15.9% split their ticket. About 182 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Aus 23 (Mahoning County) +66Starting line Joyce +12. 16.7% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 4% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +17,06117,061 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Joyce today.
- Mobilize +526At least 5,935 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Jukic's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +503Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Jukic's way.
Plus a 12.5-point national shift (39,053 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Jukic wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Joyce.
- In Precinct Willoughby Hills City Gg (Lake County) and Warren City 7A (Trumbull County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 12.5 points toward Jukic's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression639 precincts, slope 0.976, R² 0.978, 97 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -75,729 to -1,640
- Cash on hand, June 30Jukic $33,693 · Joyce $3,121,595
- Call program28,631 households, 85,894 dials, about 4,501 live conversations and 1,535 voter IDs, at $0.3344 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 16.1-point national wave.
Where
- Middleton Twp North (Wood County) +102Starting line Latta +15. 14.6% split their ticket.
- Precinct Oberlin City #8 (Lorain County) +99Starting line Shaver +96. 0.7% split their ticket. About 290 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Oberlin City #7 (Lorain County) +77Starting line Shaver +94. 0.7% split their ticket. About 230 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Bowling Green 3-E (Wood County) +77Starting line Latta +1. 14.6% split their ticket.
- Bowling Green 4-A (Wood County) +71Starting line Shaver +12. 14.7% split their ticket. About 134 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 5% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +14,60614,606 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Latta today.
- Mobilize +1,385At least 13,375 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Shaver's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +482Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Shaver's way.
Plus a 16.1-point national shift (45,241 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Shaver wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Latta.
- In Precinct Oberlin City #8 (Lorain County) and Precinct Oberlin City #7 (Lorain County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 16.1 points toward Shaver's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression595 precincts, slope 0.993, R² 0.986, 94 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -79,152 to -11,721
- Cash on hand, June 30Shaver $8,742 · Latta $1,019,993
- Call program30,335 households, 91,004 dials, about 4,769 live conversations and 1,626 voter IDs, at $0.3219 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 34.9-point national wave.
Where
- Athens 1-1 (Athens County) +88Starting line Mazzuckelli +68. 8.5% split their ticket. About 298 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Athens 1-3 (Athens County) +62Starting line Mazzuckelli +68. 6.8% split their ticket. About 236 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Athens 2-4 (Athens County) +61Starting line Mazzuckelli +56. 11.9% split their ticket. About 141 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Athens Baker (Athens County) +59Starting line Mazzuckelli +26. 10.1% split their ticket. About 187 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Miami Township Z (Clermont County) +52Starting line Taylor +22. 10.8% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 6% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +9,4699,469 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Taylor today.
- Mobilize +668At least 4,155 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Mazzuckelli's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +344Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Mazzuckelli's way.
Plus a 34.9-point national shift (92,324 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Mazzuckelli wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Taylor.
- In Athens 1-1 (Athens County) and Athens 1-3 (Athens County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 34.9 points toward Mazzuckelli's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression722 precincts, slope 0.975, R² 0.983, 104 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -123,022 to -61,023
- Cash on hand, June 30Mazzuckelli n/a · Taylor $442,977
- Call program16,614 households, 49,841 dials, about 2,612 live conversations and 891 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 34.5-point national wave.
Where
- New Albany-F (Franklin County) +76Starting line Beatty +10. 14.3% split their ticket.
- New Albany-B (Franklin County) +74Starting line Beatty +3. 15.1% split their ticket.
- Cols 82-E (Franklin County) +71Starting line Beatty +17. 10.3% split their ticket.
- Ua 5-E (Franklin County) +67Starting line Beatty +24. 13.0% split their ticket.
- Bexley 1-B (Franklin County) +66Starting line Beatty +42. 12.2% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 6% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +12,05312,053 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Beatty today.
- Mobilize +19At least 384 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Dulaney's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +278Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Dulaney's way.
Plus a 34.5-point national shift (90,831 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Dulaney wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Beatty.
- The national environment moves about 34.5 points toward Dulaney's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression544 precincts, slope 0.970, R² 0.978, 99 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -122,027 to -59,978
- Cash on hand, June 30Dulaney n/a · Beatty $2,776,821
- Call program17,447 households, 52,340 dials, about 2,743 live conversations and 935 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 37.7-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct City 8 (Clark County) +87Starting line Kolasinski +62. 8.5% split their ticket. About 289 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Dublin City 2 (Union County) +87Starting line Kolasinski +16. 14.8% split their ticket. About 372 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct City 21 (Clark County) +72Starting line Jordan +17. 17.8% split their ticket.
- Precinct City 7 (Clark County) +70Starting line Kolasinski +60. 7.8% split their ticket. About 238 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct City 17 (Clark County) +62Starting line Kolasinski +12. 15.8% split their ticket. About 163 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 6% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +11,15911,159 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Jordan today.
- Mobilize +382At least 3,289 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Kolasinski's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +363Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Kolasinski's way.
Plus a 37.7-point national shift (107,831 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Kolasinski wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Jordan.
- In Precinct City 8 (Clark County) and Precinct City 7 (Clark County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 37.7 points toward Kolasinski's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression612 precincts, slope 1.000, R² 0.987, 106 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -141,720 to -74,235
- Cash on hand, June 30Kolasinski $465 · Jordan $6,030,301
- Call program18,384 households, 55,151 dials, about 2,890 live conversations and 985 voter IDs, at $0.3717 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 26.1-point national wave.
Where
- Precinct Ygn3 F (Mahoning County) +72Starting line Kirtley +63. 11.7% split their ticket. About 165 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Bvt 5 (Mahoning County) +66Starting line Rulli +14. 20.9% split their ticket.
- Precinct Ygn2 E (Mahoning County) +66Starting line Kirtley +73. 16.9% split their ticket. About 141 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Precinct Pot 2 (Mahoning County) +63Starting line Rulli +27. 13.4% split their ticket.
- Precinct Ygn3 C (Mahoning County) +62Starting line Kirtley +73. 16.9% split their ticket. About 137 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 5% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,48313,483 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Rulli today.
- Mobilize +965At least 6,855 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Kirtley's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +397Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Kirtley's way.
Plus a 26.1-point national shift (70,975 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Kirtley wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Rulli.
- In Precinct Ygn1 D (Mahoning County) and Precinct Ygn3 F (Mahoning County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 26.1 points toward Kirtley's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression657 precincts, slope 0.986, R² 0.985, 110 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -102,706 to -39,208
- Cash on hand, June 30Kirtley $1,069 · Rulli $269,711
- Call program24,120 households, 72,360 dials, about 3,792 live conversations and 1,293 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 49.5-point national wave.
Where
- Bratenahl-00-A (Cuyahoga County) +58Starting line Brown +36. 13.0% split their ticket.
- University Heights-00-H (Cuyahoga County) +52Starting line Kirchner +35. 5.6% split their ticket. About 285 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Pepper Pike-00-A (Cuyahoga County) +52Starting line Brown +39. 15.2% split their ticket.
- Lakewood-01-H (Cuyahoga County) +52Starting line Brown +30. 11.7% split their ticket.
- Pepper Pike-00-B (Cuyahoga County) +50Starting line Brown +31. 14.4% split their ticket.
The top 12 precincts carry 5% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +10,80210,802 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Brown today.
- Mobilize +57At least 604 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Kirchner's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +151Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Kirchner's way.
Plus a 49.5-point national shift (109,482 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Kirchner wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Brown.
- In University Heights-00-H (Cuyahoga County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 49.5 points toward Kirchner's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression641 precincts, slope 0.916, R² 0.988, 107 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -135,397 to -83,529
- Cash on hand, June 30Kirchner n/a · Brown $1,156,556
- Call program15,620 households, 46,861 dials, about 2,456 live conversations and 837 voter IDs, at $0.3965 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
A long shot on the math: it takes a 24.4-point national wave.
Where
- Reynoldsburg 3-D (Licking County) +100Starting line Christian +39. 9.2% split their ticket. About 478 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Columbus City E (Fairfield County) +88Starting line Christian +39. 12.9% split their ticket. About 419 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Columbus City B (Fairfield County) +85Starting line Christian +44. 10.8% split their ticket. About 381 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Granville Village C (Licking County) +81Starting line Christian +56. 9.6% split their ticket. About 304 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
- Granville Village A (Licking County) +79Starting line Christian +31. 11.2% split their ticket. About 205 more ballots in 2024 than in 2022 (estimate).
The top 12 precincts carry 6% of the plan.
How
- Persuade +13,13813,138 voters who split their ticket in recent elections and lean Balderson today.
- Mobilize +813At least 8,761 people who voted in 2024 but not in 2022, in precincts where Christian's side wins at least 55 percent.
- Consolidate +415Voters who went third party in recent races, in the precincts that lean Christian's way.
Plus a 24.4-point national shift (72,675 votes) that no campaign controls.
What has to be true
- Christian wins 50 percent of the ticket splitters now leaning Balderson.
- In Reynoldsburg 3-D (Licking County) and Granville Village C (Licking County), 35 percent of the people who voted in 2024 but skipped 2022 come back and vote.
- The national environment moves about 24.4 points toward Christian's side between now and November 3.
- No 2026 public poll exists for this race, so the starting line is a weighted blend of official recent results; the first real poll will move it.
The numbers behind it
- Crossover regression577 precincts, slope 0.956, R² 0.986, 96 crossover precincts
- Monte Carlo20,000 seeded simulations, 7-point baseline error. 90% range of the final margin with the plan: -108,213 to -37,463
- Cash on hand, June 30Christian $18,925 · Balderson $1,982,352
- Call program24,992 households, 74,976 dials, about 3,929 live conversations and 1,340 voter IDs, at $0.3468 per household (published HyperPhonebank rate)
Independent analysis by The Political Group from official Ohio Secretary of State precinct returns, FEC filings and published polls. Baseline error and plan efficacy are stated assumptions shown on each race page. Not affiliated with any candidate or party. Text or call Frank Carrasco, 469.639.1600.